In the Netherlands ‘Safety Houses’ have been established, in which partner organizations in the field of criminal justice, crime prevention, law enforcement, public administration and social services collaborate in order to reduce crime and recidivism, and to increase public safety. This article examines why some Safety Houses are better in achieving these goals than others. The effectiveness of 39 Safety Houses is analyzed by means of QCA (qualitative comparative analysis). Results show two different paths leading to effective outcomes. Effective Safety Houses have been in existence for at least three years, show a high degree of stability and a centrally integrated collaboration structure. In addition, they either have considerable resources at their disposal or have been set up with a network administrative organization, where a neutral coordinator governs the network.

By pointing to the immense use of Twitter by citizens during crises, communication experts argue that governments should participate more actively on Twitter during crises. Until now, however, little empirical research has been conducted to validate this claim. This article aims at validating this claim and putting forward building blocks for an evidence-based vision on the use of Twitter by governments during flash crises, i.e. large-scale incidents that occur unexpectedly and immediately. The authors analysed 52.806 tweets sent by citizens and governments during a large-scale industrial fire in Moerdijk (2011). They looked at the content of the tweets and sorted them into fourteen categories. The results show that most of the tweets sent by citizens contained no new or relevant information for governments. In addition, the tweets sent by governments were totally ‘snowed under’ in the huge stream of tweets from citizens. Consequently, the tweets sent by governments were very little re-tweeted by Twitter users. The authors conclude that the Moerdijk case does not show a need for a more proactive role of governments on Twitter.

Based on state-of-the-art scientific knowledge, this article reviews the physical aspects of firefighting in relation to physical safety. Firefighting is known to be one of the most demanding occupations. Based on the ‘Occupational Demands Model’ the (physical) strain of firefighting is described. The physical demands of firefighting are determined by a combination of firefighting-specific efforts, the use of personal protective equipment and enviromental and climatological conditions. The effects on the firefighter depend on his/her health and fitness status as well as on his/her hydration and nutrition status and influences the repressive job performance. If the demands and the effects are not in balance, personal safety, health and effectivity of the firefighter’s deployment are in jeopardy and hence his/her physical safety. In the second part of the paper, the relationship between the physical demands of firefighting and health, fitness and deployability of firefighters are described. Finally, a method of maintaining deployability prior to, during and post firefighting activities or training through active recovery is described to improve the preparedness of the individual firefighter.

Against the background of a discussion of classical and modern concepts of punishment, the first implying the imposition of suffering as essence and the second encompassing all varieties of sanctions implying restrictions but not necessarily some form of suffering the author rejects the suggestion of the second concept, that punishment should be defined without any reference to imposing suffering. There are conceptual advantages to sticking to the classical definition of punishment, such as the fact that it is clearly differentiated from the concept of measurements, which are sanctions imposed without any demand of ‘guilt’ on the side of a perpetrator. Also there are good reasons to maintain the element of (imposition of ) ‘intended pain’ in the concept of punishment, but it is this element – the intentional imposition of pain and suffering – that makes the author reject the activity of punishing as unethical. Non-violent sanctions are conceivable and feasible and should on ethical grounds be preferred. This is explored with reference to the work of Tähtinen. In close connection with this idea the author argues that we should redefine criminal justice (in the Dutch language: ‘strafrecht’ meaning the right to punish and laws regarding punishment) to mean that it is the discipline that responds to crimes and offences, without any defining reference to punishment (‘misdaadrecht’, meaning the laws regarding ((responding to)) crime).

The author analyses and compares several distinct models of doing justice to find out which is serving ‘sustainable justice’ the best. Sustainable justice could be defined as justice that produces conflict resolutions that last for a long time and in this way contribute to a more sustainable society. Modern developmental methods for organisations make use of assessments to measure, compare and improve the effectiveness of organizational cultures. These methods are used in this contribution to analyse the organizational cultures of mediation, the traditional accusatorial (penal) procedure, problem-solving courts (with a focus on drug courts) and restorative justice conferencing. The comparison results in conclusions indicating that mediation and problem solving courts have a sound and effective organizational culture, due to healthy conflict management styles, characterized by managing both opposition and competition constructively and by a stimulating person-oriented focus. Restorative justice conferences bring together many stakeholders in a conflict and its resolution and facilitates in this way the awareness of the connections between many problems behind the actual conflict at hand: for this reason the resolutions may have a deeper societal impact and a greater sustainability.

This paper studies the effects of legal street prostitution zones (tippelzones) on crime. In the past decade some cities closed their tippelzone, while other cities opened one. We use data on both registered crime and crime perception. The results from our difference-in-difference model show that tippelzones decrease registered crime but increase perceived crime. The effects of closing are larger than the effects of opening a tippelzone.

Since the publication of a special issue in TvC (the Dutch Journal of Criminology) on the spatial distribution of crime, about fifteen years ago, a vast number of developments have been observed in the field of social ecology and environmental criminology. During this period many studies have been undertaken in the Netherlands and Belgium. However, there still is room for progress, e.g. through the study of new contexts beyond the traditional boundaries of residential neighbourhoods and through the use of promising new methodologies and technological developments. This special issue provides some examples of such innovative research on environmental influences on crime. In this introductory article the authors provide an overview of the background of the theme, and discuss recent theoretical and methodological developments. They move on to discuss contemporary studies that have been carried out in the Netherlands and Belgium, and outline some desirable and necessary future developments. Finally, the authors provide the reader with an overview of the other contributions to this special issue.

The present study investigates the existence of independent effects of community level social processes on fear of crime. Attention is paid to social trust and informal control, two dimensions of Sampson’s famous concept of collective efficacy. The model is tested on three well-known dimensions of fear of crime: perceived risk of victimisation, emotional fear and avoidance behaviour. The results suggest an independent effect of neighbourhood social trust on all three dimensions, when control is hold for demographic background variables and individual levels of social capital. The effect of neighbourhood social trust is mediated by neighbourhood disorder.