Nightlife violence is gaining increasing attention and is a substantial part of all violent incidents. In this article we explore the assumption that going out in metropolitan clubs and bars creates a specific moral setting, where the aim is to let yourself go. The main question in this article is to what extent the moral setting of going out contributes to nightlife related violence. We explored this issue by analyzing the case of Amsterdam, in particular the two famous squares, Leidseplein and Rembrandtplein, and de Wallen (red light district). With regard to the moral setting we distinguish between physical, social, professional and normative aspects of the moral setting. Each of these aspects has been described in academic literature as potentially contributing to violence. On that basis a checklist has been developed that was used for observations in nightlife venues that are known for either a high or low disproportionate amount of violent incidents. By comparing the two categories we were able to identify elements of the moral setting which, supported by the literature, can be expected to contribute to the prevalence of nightlife violence. Elements which we discovered that occur more frequently in venues where many incidents occur are visitor density, the loudness of the music, the presence of smokers, the overall comfort, the opportunity to dance, the presence of drunken visitors and their degree of intoxication, overtly sexually charged behavior, opportunities for the staff to observe, security at the exit, the number of bouncers, and whether visitors were searched or not before they entered the venue. Whether situations actually developed into violent conflict depended on one of three possible causes, namely miscommunication, conflict with authority or unsolicited advances. Policymakers can use these insights in order to try to manipulate violence stimulating factors.

Safety authorities in The Netherlands have the obligation to develop so-called risk-profiles. Risk profiles are probability-consequences schemes of all kinds of hazards (ranging from earth quakes to transportation and from floodings to fires in high rise buildings). To develop such schemes, various data sources could be useful. In this paper, we describe an approach to make use of existing database to reveal ‘new’ kinds of transportation-related risks. To this end, we combined publicly available public and private databases related to: hazardous materials transportation and Natura 2000 areas; congested areas and large scale public events; hazardous materials transportation and multi-functional areas.
Our approach makes clear that combination of existing databases has great potential for the safety authorities to develop their risk profiles, do their business intelligence and creating steering dash-boards for their own budget allocations.

In England & Wales the coalition-government has opted for a localisation of the police service. The government dissociates itself from the New Labour policy of centrally-imposed targets, aims to reconnect the police and the people, and carries out a radical democratic renewal: since 2012 citizens have the possibility to choose their own Police and Crime Commissioner (PCC) in their region. This new administrator is reigning over police chiefs and is responsible for the management of security policies in the region. That is the main reason why the English police reform diverges fundamentally from developments in other European countries in which centralizing tendencies prevail. The question is whether the radical changes in England & Wales have a beneficial impact on the local embedment of the police. Are citizens more willing to commit themselves with the local police? In the first part of this paper we examine which developments have taken place in the English police, what the localisation-agenda has achieved so far, and which problems it faces. In the second part we discuss the question which lessons can be learned from the English renewals. Would it be a good idea to introduce PCC’s in the Netherlands? Is democratization the best way to strengthen community involvement? How to stimulate local accountability?

Using summated scale scores to make group comparisons is only meaningful if one can assume that the scale measures attribute in the same way in each of the groups involved in the comparison. This assumption is called measurement invariance. This contribution discusses the use of modern statistical measurement models to test this assumption and to verify the consequences of a possible violation for the comparison of group means. In the empirical part of the contribution the authors illustrate their account by examining whether a scale assessing avoidance behavior – commonly used in fear of crime research – is invariant across gender and age groups.

Both in punishment theory and sentencing practices, the subjective sentence severity is an important yet neglected area of research. This paper aims to explain differences between inmates in their subjective severity of imprisonment and to contemplate these against the background of important sentencing goals and sentencing principles. Two models commonly used to explain adjustment to prison life were applied: the import and deprivation model. Data from the Prison Project, collected among Dutch inmates staying in pretrial detention, reveal that both import and deprivation characteristics are related to the subjective severity of imprisonment. No support is found for a moderation effect of personality.

How do organisations collaborate in the daily practice of law enforcement? And what role plays autonomy of government agencies within this cooperation? In this article the authors answer these questions on the base of two case studies: two large scale projects in which a partnership approach was used to combat human trafficking in the Netherlands. Collaboration between city administration, investigation services and tax authorities seems to be very hard to put into practice. This is understandable from the theory that government agencies, while performing their tasks, are focused on achieving autonomy.

Sentencing research focusing solely on unsuspended imprisonment does no justice to the practice of sentencing, where many other punishment types are imposed – often conjunctly. To investigate to what extent this imprisonment bias might have caused incomplete and thereby biased findings, we compare the effects of offender characteristics for imprisonment to those for other sanction types, as well as to a model combining sanction types. Findings suggest that the effects of offender characteristics differ per sanction type. When combinations of sanction types are taken into account, some offender characteristics do no longer have mitigating or aggravating effects, or the effects even inverted. Hence, future sentencing research should aim to include all sentences imposed.

Since 1994, public prosecutors in Belgium can propose ‘penal mediation’ to criminal suspects. The supervision and follow-up of this procedure are provided by ‘justice assistants’ (comparable to probation officers), who systematically record crucial information and register it in the national database SIPAR. An exploration of this database reveals interesting insights regarding the actual practice of penal mediation. On the basis of the available data we also examined whether or not we could find relevant correlations between characteristics of (offenders in) cases and the extent to which cases have resulted in an agreement and proper compliance with that agreement. Finally, for a better comprehension of the actual practice of penal mediation in Belgium twelve interviews with justice assistants have been conducted.

COSA (Circles of Support and Accountability) have been fully implemented and accepted in the Dutch probation organization. In COSA projects, volunteers support a former sex offender during his rehabilitation, supervised by professionals. Projects offer national coverage and until now, 42 sex offenders have been supported. International effect studies and Dutch research into effective processes offer a scientific framework, offering the theoretical and empirical underpinnings for a COSA intervention model. The normative basis of COSA is found in its specific place in restorative justice. Primarily, COSA strives for restoration of relationships within a moral and responsible community and restoration of the offender. Restoration of family bonds is an option, but needs to be well coordinated with professionals.

In this article the German concept of accessory prosecution (Nebenklage) is discussed. The Nebenklage was implemented in the Code of Criminal Procedure of 1877. It had merely an accessory function in conjunction with the private prosecution and the Klageerzwingungsverfahren, two legal institutions which had little practical relevance. Nowadays, in the course of the modern victim movement, the Nebenklage has radically changed into an instrument that is clearly provided as the main participatory option for victims interested in actively contributing to the trial of ‘their’ criminal. Previous research findings are outlined and the results of an explorative survey are presented. The findings suggest that the mere presence of the victim lawyer can significantly change the atmosphere in the courtroom, thus enhancing the willingness of the defence to treat the victim more respectfully.

In the introduction of the special issue of the Journal on Crime & Culture on ‘Resistance’, the editors focus on the theoretical history of the concept of resistance in the field of Criminology. Against the background of the Birmingham School and the themes and ideas of Critical Criminology, the authors argue that new issues are rebelled against, and new styles and rituals become en vogue. The street fighting man on the barricades is no longer the obvious icon, and resistance is not per se intergenerational, interclass or a confrontation between minorities and mainstream culture. Resistance may have epidemic proportions as the Arabic Spring. Movements like Occupy or WikiLeaks operate across borders, but resistance also includes subtle transgressions within organizations.

Subcultural theory and cultural criminology have traditionally viewed ‘underground’ youth movements as providing images of deviance/resistance which the cultural industries harvest to turn a profit. The logic follows that street and sub cultures imbue products with a ‘transgressive edge’ that increases their appeal within youth markets. This paper uses the example of UK ‘grime’ music to demonstrate how this dynamic cannot be viewed as applying universally in contemporary times. Where their street orientated content is censured, many grime artistes express a desire for commercial success which would ultimately emerge through muting their rhetorical links to crime and violence and explicitly championing ‘mainstream’ values. This case is used as an empirical cue to explore the use and critique of the concept of ‘resistance’ within cultural criminology and subcultural theory. The paper problematizes commodification of resistance discourses as they apply to the rugged culture of the streets and indeed its supposed ‘oppositional’ character where disadvantaged urban youth clearly embody and practice the logic of neoliberalism. It furthermore suggests that certain critiques of cultural criminology go too far in denying any meaning to criminality and subcultural practice beyond consumer desire. Ultimately, the concept of ‘defiance’ is suggested as a useful tool to understand the norms of and behaviours of the excluded.

The politization of the concept of genocide by Western states has been severely criticised, because it has led to an impunity for genocidal crimes. In certain instances however, such criticism has contributed to the dynamic of victimization, instead of resisting it. The article discusses how Professor Edward S. Herman and journalist David Peterson’s staunch criticism of the politics of genocide amounts to a brazen denial of the genocide against the Tutsi which recycles much of the extremist discourse of the former Rwandan authorities that were implicated in genocide. In this case Herman and Peterson’s resistance against the politics of genocide has profound implications, several of which the article will address.

This article provides a theoretical analysis of the label ‘resistance’. It sets out from the premise that the notion of resistance, although it has been current in criminology for some time, is still vaguely defined. We argue that resistance is not just a negative term, but can also be seen as a positive and creative force in society. As such, the primary function of resistance is to serve as a solvent of doxa, to continuously question obviousness and common sense. In the process of resistance we distinguish three processes: invention, imitation and transformation. The third stage warrants deeper investigation within cultural criminology.

La Haine (Kassovitz, 1995) shows practices of resistance of youngsters in public space. Next to the traditional milieus of socialisation – at home, at school or in institutionalised leisure facilities – youngsters demand their ‘place’ in public space. In doing so, they partly privatise public space (‘parochial space’). In this article we argue that transgressive behaviour of youngsters should be conceptualised as both a side-effect of growing up and socialisation, and as resistance against adult domination, especially in public space. As such, hanging around is cause and effect of control and criminalisation.

This article examines the transformations in form and function of rituals in the squatting movement in Amsterdam. Upon roaring early years, rituals emerged around the search for houses to squat, the actual squatting and evictions. These rituals were recognized and used by squatters as well as other parties and they have contributed to the reduction of violence. Meanwhile, squatting in the Netherlands was prohibited and the question arises if, in this new situation, form and function of rituals have changed too. The findings shed some light on the broader link between rituals and resistance.

This article deals with three questions. What did resistance mean in the 1970s and what does it mean today? Have the rituals of resistance changed over time? What is the status today of moral panic theory? These questions directly refer to ‘Resistance Through Rituals’ (1976) and ‘Policing the Crisis’ (1978). For that reason, one of the authors answers these key questions in a contemporary framework of hegemony, security and neoliberal politics, and points to the continuing relevance of the political and critical tradition of British cultural studies.

This is an ethnographic evaluation study on a train the trainer programme (Diamant) for the prevention of political radicalisation among young Muslims in the Netherlands. Especially the training of independent judgement on moral issues looks promising to overcome cultural disorientation. Its preventive power for radicalisation is unclear since there were no radicals among the participants of the training.

In 2011 we executed a quantitative and qualitative research on the extent of discrimination, polarisation and radicalisation in a region in the Netherlands. The results are representative for The Netherlands. The research shows that there is breeding ground for radicalization, in particular Muslim youths. The outcome also provides insights in relevant avenues for public policy. Over the past years, several inventories have been made of public policy that aims to counter radicalisation. Most of the interventions listed do not conjure with the interventions we propose on the basis of our research, such as awareness raising for practitioners, prevention of and education about discrimination, focus on neighbourhood grievances and nuisances caused by specific ethnic groups and the negative tone of the public debate regarding Islam and the multicultural society. If measures to counter radicalization are even evaluated, they tend to focus on the process and effectiveness of the intervention, but they do not answer the question if that is actually also the right intervention. We therefore propose not only to focus on doing things right, but also to ask the question if we are doing the right things. We suggest not only measuring effectiveness, but also measuring impact.

Halt is a Dutch organization for enforcement of alternative punishment given tot juveniles and prevention activities, like for example advisory services and educational programmes. In the context of the Government action programme Polarization and Radicalization – a programme to reduce the chances of people to become a radical or even a terrorist − the Halt offices in Limburg in cooperation with the KPC Group developed an education kit of six lessons meant for juveniles (primary school and secondary education). The lessons are given by Halt fellow workers and the teacher of the class is there for give them support and to observe the lessons. This project is qualitatively evaluated and the conclusion is as follows. The reason for the project is not located in a problem of radicalization, the final target group is more restricted than intended and in the implementation the words radicalization and polarization may not be used. Is it then a good educational package? Yes, say different Halt employees, but not for the problem raised, because that problem is not identified by them.