In this short paper, a summarising report is presented on a two years action-research project (2011-2013) co-funded by the European Union on how to conceive and implement peacemaking circles in a European legal and cultural environment. In a first part of the paper, the background and reasons for implementing peacemaking circles are explained, and attention is given to their added value as compared to the models of victim-offender mediation and conferencing. After a short presentation of the action-research set-up in three countries (Belgium, Germany and Hungary), a selective list of critical issues is discussed as they have been experienced during the project: the selection of files and the preparatory phase of a peacemaking circle, the running of the circle meeting and the meaning of some of its operational principles (the role of the circle keeper, the function of rituals, the talking piece, the decision making process, …). Also the involvement of the community at its different levels - from the community of care to the macro-community - is discussed, as well as how the direct conflict parties experience the presence of these communities. A general conclusion is that a model of peacemaking circles can be implemented in a European context effectively, but developing a methodology on how to involve members of the wider community remains a challenge.

Many articles have dealt with the question why restorative justice in cases of intimate partner violence (IPV) may or may not be appropriate. Seeing however as a punitive approach towards IPV is rapidly losing popularity as an effective way of dealing with this complex type of violence, as well as the outcomes of a recent study by the European Agency for Fundamental Rights (2014) – where 25% of the Dutch women that were surveyed indicated they had experienced violence by an intimate partner – restorative justice may be a promising alternative after all.
Instead of adding to the debate, the current article focuses on how restorative justice can be constructed to be appropriate for IPV cases, and is explorative in nature. In order to do so, the theory behind transformative learning is combined with restorative justice practices, shifting the focus from ‘restoration’ to ‘restorative transformation’. Such a restorative transformative learning approach focuses on transforming violent meaning perspectives that dictate the use or toleration of violence. Instead of trying to restore the individual back to the state they were in before the violence took place – as ‘restoration’ traditionally implies – the goal of restorative transformative learning is to restore the individual back to a state before a violent meaning perspective was acquired. The transformation of violent meaning perspectives is therefore the prerequisite for restoration.
The method that is introduced in this article offers a practical framework and guidelines to achieve such a transformation. It answers to the complexity of IPV cases by focusing on the entire family system, while leaving room for individual restoration. In doing so, restorative transformative learning may possibly open the way to the acceptance of restorative justice in the field of IPV.

A debate exists in the literature about the question whether (different forms of) mediated contact between victims and offenders occur and are appropriate only after minor offenses. This contribution therefore examines whether a relationship exists between the seriousness of offenses and the degree to which in practice cases result in mediated contact, in the Dutch context. More specifically, we report the first findings of a study aimed to (a) examine the seriousness of cases that were registered at the foundation Slachtoffer in Beeld (Victim in Focus; responsible for the execution of mediated contacts between victims and offenders in the Netherlands), and (b) compare the seriousness of cases at this foundation that resulted in different forms of mediated contact (including cases in which no contact emerged). To this end, we sampled 200 cases from the data system of Victim in Focus in a random manner; consequently, the seriousness of each of these cases was coded. The mean duration of incarceration sentenced for specific offenses in the Netherlands was used as an (as objective as possible) indication of the seriousness of the offenses in these cases. The results indicated that the cases registered at Victim in Focus do not consist exclusively of minor offenses. A substantial part consists of more serious offenses, especially when this is compared to the prevalence of all (minor and serious) offenses in the Netherlands. In addition, we observed no relationship between the seriousness of cases and the form of mediated contact (or no contact) that emerged at Victim in Focus; mediated contact arose to the same degree for serious compared to minor offenses. The implications of these results for the debate mentioned above are discussed, taking into account the manner in which victim-offender mediation is organized in the Netherlands.

In this article data derived from observations and interviews are used to examine private methods of investigation as used by corporate security providers in the Netherlands, and the private settlement options which follow those investigations. It is argued that, rather than leadership being exercised by public actors and institutions (police, prosecutors, criminal courts and also civil courts), those actors are selectively and strategically mobilised by corporate security, on behalf of their private sector clients. Corporate security and its clients have a ‘pick and choose’ approach when searching for an optimal solution for the incident at hand (forum shopping).

Traditionally, the Dutch penal judge needs to determine whether the suspect has committed the crime for which he is being prosecuted. This is generally done by accumulating incriminating evidence. Recently, it has been argued that this accumulation fosters the risk of a miscarriage of justice. Alternatively, the judge may want to rely on a Bayesians analysis of the evidence. Particularly, diagnostic values for each piece of evidence must be established. Therefore, it must be investigated how well the evidence fits in the primary and in alternative scenarios. This approach is discussed in this contribution.

Eleven Teams against Child Abuse Images and Transnational Child Sex Offences (TBKKs) are operating within the Dutch National Police Force. This study provides an in-depth analysis of the resilience of criminal investigators working in these teams and how they perceive and cope with daily work stressors. Observational studies within five TBKKs and 35 semi-structured interviews with child pornography investigators revealed that managing their heavy caseloads, classifying abusive images, dealing with suspects and conducting home searches can sometimes be (very) challenging. Despite these demanding work aspects, investigators experience low levels of stress. By employing emotional detachment, self-reflection, workload regulation, social support and meaningfulness, they overcome the stress of investigating internet child exploitation. However, successful implementation of these resilience-enhancing strategies depends on the availability of several individual and organizational resources. To reduce the risk of health problems and to stimulate positive functioning, these resources require permanent investment from police management and investigators themselves.

This study aims to provide more knowledge on the extent to which criminal investigators are able to influence suspects’ statement. For this purpose, 166 observed interrogations covering the whole interrogation were analyzed. Based on these longitudinal data Structural Equation Modeling was used to examine the extent to which interrogation tactics mediate the changing statement between the start and the end of the interrogation. The results show that particularly suspects who give a statement on personal affairs at the beginning of the interrogation change their statement. Manipulating techniques are used more often when suspects are silent and confrontational techniques are used more often when suspects declare about the crime. Only confrontational techniques seem to contribute to changes in suspects’ statement. Accusatory interrogation tactics do not mediate the relationship between the statement given at the beginning of the interrogation and the change in statement. It can be concluded that suspects who are silent at the beginning of the interrogation or who declare about the crime in most cases don’t change their statement and that with using accusatory interrogation techniques criminal investigators seem to be unable to influence their statement.

Social network analysis (SNA) has taken its place in the field of criminology, although among Dutch criminologists the emphasis remains on conceptual contributions. Meanwhile, the world of criminal investigation and intelligence has witnessed the development of a blossoming SNA-practice. The emergence of big data makes SNA an indispensable tool to exploit the oceans of data in a meaningful way. Unfortunately, when it comes to employing SNA, academia and the investigations and intelligence domains remain separated. While Dutch analysts adopt scientific ideas and concepts, they rarely contribute to the body of literature; confidential SNA reports remain inaccessible. Shedding light on over forty SNA related internal police studies, this article bridges the gap between Dutch academic criminologists and ‘pracademics’ in law enforcement.

Since 2007 the police and the public prosecution service in the Netherlands can apply special investigative powers in case of ‘indications’ of a terrorist offense. To investigate signs of terrorism, a suspicion is no longer needed. The underlying assumption behind this extension is that the ‘old’ legislation offers insufficient opportunities to investigate signs of terrorism in an early phase. In this article we examine this assumption about the action space of investigating officers. For the period 2007-2011, we examined how investigating officers responded to signs of terrorism in practice, what investigative powers they used, and how they – as street level bureaucrats – handled their discretionary authority. The research shows that police and judiciary officials are very well able to investigate signs of terrorism with the already existing powers, and that they have made little use of the new ‘indications’ criterion

Surveillance measures in public places such as train stations, large events or business premises are aimed at increasing security at those specific locations. They enable people to move around securely at public (high) risk locations. However, people often experience these measures as an obstacle. Too much security often results in limitations of freedom of movement and violations of privacy. Could surveillance measures be designed in such a way that they are perceived more as a ‘service’? The authors studied the variables that influence whether people experience surveillance as a service or as a hindrance. At three surveillance locations (Schiphol Airport, Hoog Catharijne shopping area and Amersfoort railway station) more than thousand visitors were surveyed. They were asked how they experienced service and security on the site. The results show that there are differences in service perception in relation to security measures at the three locations studied. They show how the tension between service and safety can be reduced and provide clues for improving security measures. The results can be used by owners of public locations, surveillance stakeholders or private companies for the optimalisation and re-design of a location, as their goal is to attract loyal visitors, who are not frustrated and are willing to use the location frequently, and who preferably speak positively about the location to others. Also the security measures themselves can be improved, both technical security measures as well as human security measures.

This article describes a qualitative inquiry into Dutch people going to Syria for participating in Jihad. The inquiry compares theoretical findings with empirical facts, based on a content analysis and a document analysis, completed with ten depth-interviews. The results show that a combination of scientific findings on radicalisation and foreign fighters explains the jihad movement to Syria partly. The results also show that some factors, which have not recently be examined scientificly, are crucial for the character and extent of the movement towards Jihad.

To improve security in crowded environments, such as airports, shopping malls and railway stations, the number of surveillance cameras (CCTV) is rapidly increasing. However, the number of human operators remains limited and only a selection of the video streams can be observed. This makes it hard for an operator to be proactive. This paper gives an overview of novel developments that may lead to more efficient camera surveillance and a more proactive role for camera operators. It focuses on three main steps in this process of video content analysis: pedestrian tracking, action recognition and behavior analysis. Tracking and re-identification (i.e. recognizing a person in another camera) was initially only evaluated on off-line benchmark datasets, though recently it has gained in maturity with live demonstrations in realistic crowded environments and measured improved operator efficiency. For action recognition and automatic behavior recognition, we observe that the simple patterns, such as loitering detection, are emerging in many applications. Human action recognition obtains very high performance values in controlled environments and it is progressing towards more realistic environments. More advanced approaches, such as pickpocket recognition in a shopping mall and the detection of threats to trucks on a parking lot have been developed and the first systems have been presented in live demonstrations. Our main contribution is that we structure the recent advances and the emerging applications of video analysis for security applications, explain and interpret the results, and identify opportunities for the near future.

Journalists are accustomed to investigate and interpret current forms of violent conflicts and massacres. Psychologists and social scientists lag behind and seem to focus more on ‘remote’ forms of evil, often focusing on forms of authoritarian behaviour and obedience, especially related to the Holocaust. It is striking that reflections on collective violence are often ignored by criminologists. How can this ‘distance’ be explained? Why is there little incentive to study ‘evil’? In this introduction we first discuss the difficult issue of how to define ‘evil’ and we clarify its various meanings. Then we focus on the Holocaust, an oppressive theme that still instigates much debate. In particular, the thesis of the ‘banality of evil’ is controversial. This interest in appalling forms of mass destruction – by theologians, ethicists and historians – raises once again the question why criminological reflection and research of barbarity remains underdeveloped.

Genocide is so cruel and extreme that a first natural reflex is to distance ourselves from the perpetrators and qualify them as deranged criminals, psychopaths and sadists – very different from us ordinary people. Although some of the perpetrators fit this description, most perpetrators are ordinary people in extraordinary circumstances who commit so-called crimes of obedience. A genocidal regime is usually led by a criminal mastermind, who is supported by a number of fanatics and opportunistic careerists who take advantage of the situation to make themselves a career. Many of these perpetrators are special cases who deliberately participated in the genocide. Perpetrators in the middle cadre as well as the rank and file members are however often very ordinary people who just go along and follow the flow out of ideological conviction, fear or material gain.

This article is about the ability of human beings to make a deliberate choice to do evil. Punishing evildoers according to penal law presupposes that they are responsible for their acts, i.e. that they acted out of free will. In the first part I recall the origins of the classical nexus between free will, responsibility and punishment in Christian theology and scholastic philosophy. Then I analyze the philosophies of Sade and Nietzsche in order to demonstrate how the traditional conception of good and evil can be inverted. Sades extreme moral relativism and Nietzsches radical perspectivism open the gates for a justification of moral evil. In the final part I look at the serial killer as an actor who deliberately chooses to do evil. The personality disorder (psychopathy) of most serial killers probably affects their inhibition to harm others. But although their lack of empathy can lower the threshold for harming others, this (mostly) does not annihilate their moral responsibility. Such can be exemplified by the fact that many serial killers are acting in an extremely strategic, opportunistic and deceitful way in order to ensure the persistence of their deliberate choice to do evil. Moreover, some serial killers, when justifying their behavior, engage in arguments putting into perspective ‘good’ and ‘evil’ in a way that is reminiscent of Sade and Nietzsche.

The central question of this contribution is whether slavery was considered in the Netherlands at the time as something normal, an argument which is often heard in debates about this phenomenon today. This paper shows that during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, slavery was indeed something that happened far away from home, however, all the time voices could be heard in this country opposing at least the cruelties of the slave system, or even the basic incompatability of slavery and christianity. It even turned out to be a public problem with the hundreds of enslaved people who came over time with their owners from Suriname or the Dutch Antilles to this country, and after a while became free citizens, because in the Netherlands itself slavery was not allowed.
During the second part of the eighteenth century in literary and political Dutch circles the individual voices against (the cruelties of) slavery turned more or less into a choir. These opponents of the system were obviously influenced by and often fervent supporters of the Enlightenment and its ideals for mankind of freedom, equality and brotherhood. Eventually, however, in 1797 the revolutionary Dutch National Assembly in its first constitution voted against an article meant to abolish slave trade and slavery in the near future. It took more than two generations to finally settle this question in 1863.

The Classical Paradigm considers evil intentions as a necessary element of human evil, for instance the Holocaust. The Obedience Paradigm states that the main motive of the perpetrators of this evil was obedience to authority. The Ideology Paradigm argues that ideological motives were the main element. This paper tries to show that it is impossible to separate obedience and ideology in the motives of perpetrators like Adolf Eichmann and Otto Ohlendorf. These perpetrators were also conscious of the fact that they violated moral and legal norms. In that sense they had evil intentions and can be held responsible for their crimes.