Consumer fraud seems to be widespread, yet little research is devoted to understanding why certain social groups are more vulnerable to this type of victimization than others. The present paper deals with internet consumer fraud victimization, and uses an explanatory model that combines insights from self control theory and routine activity theory. The results from large-scale victimization survey data among the Dutch general population (N=6,201) reveal that people with low self-control run substantially higher victimization risk, as well as people performing ‘risky’ routine activities, such as online shopping and participation in online forums. Though a minority share of the self-control-victimization link is indirect – because people with low self-control are more involved in risk-enhancing routine activities – a large direct effect on internet fraud victimization remains. This suggests that, within similar situations, people with poor impulse control respond differently to deceptive online commercial offers.

In the Netherlands, police can request a physical examination of victims of domestic violence. These examinations can be either carried out by the physician who has treated the victim, or, alternatively, by a forensic physician. From a medico-legal point of view, an examination by a forensic physician has several advantages, as forensic physicians are independent and trained in examining victims of violence and reporting to the police. The aim of the current study was to (1) describe the structure of forensic services for victims of domestic violence in the Netherlands, (2) establish with whom the police request physical examinations of victims (forensic physician vs. physicians who have treated the victim), (3) explore the underlying reasons for the choice made and (4) elaborate how the current cooperation of police and forensic physicians can be improved in favour of victims of domestic violence. For this purpose, interviews were carried out with police professionals and forensic physicians throughout the country. The results demonstrated that victims can access forensic services almost exclusively on referral by the police. Furthermore, the police in most cases request physical examinations from physicians who have treated the victim and not from forensic physicians. Reasons for referring victims to treating physicians instead of forensic physicians are costs and lack of information on forensic services. Reports provided by treating physicians are criticized by the police for being illegible, incomprehensible, and lacking information on aspects which are of importance for the legal procedure. In short, the legal position of victims could be strengthened by requesting physical examinations from forensic physicians instead from treating physicians. A major obstacle to change is a lack of funding. Furthermore, forensic services for victims of domestic violence in the Netherlands could be improved if victims could access forensic services without referral of the police.

Evaluative studies show that victims are generally satisfied with their participation in a restorative intervention, even when concerning violent crime. Therefore, we don’t have to ask whether restorative justice should be offered to victims of crime, but how it should be offered. Using the victimological literature, we explore the appropriateness of two opposing models with regard to the offer in violent crime cases. The protective model, as for instance endorsed by victim support services in Québec, is based on the concern for the protection of vulnerable victims. The proactive model, as inscribed in the 2005 law on the general offer of mediation in Belgium, is based on the informed consent principle. Both models respect the needs of victims, while ranking these needs differently. The available empirical and theoretical observations on the subject do not unilaterally support or reject either model. We, therefore, present a complementary, albeit theoretical model, i.e. the integration of the invitation to a restorative intervention within victim support services.

Discussions in the movement of restorative justice about the fundamental question, whether its interventions are alternatives to punishment or alternative punishments, have become repetitive and seem to be in a dead end. The author reviews the arguments against the background of the ‘last resort’ principle in Husak’s work. Husak distinguishes between last resort in terms of sentencing and last resort in terms of criminalization. Since the restorative justice movement does not fundamentally reject the primary criminalisations, but accepts the definitions of certain forms of conduct as crime, it merely strives to offer alternatives to punishments that would otherwise be imposed. If protagonists of restorative justice want to avoid this, they should consider an abolitionist option to strive for decriminalization.

Legislation affects restorative justice in four ways: existing legislation may allow it, new laws may enable it, laws may limit it, or restorative justice may be the norm. Examples from different countries are given and specific questions about the relationship of restorative justice to the criminal justice system discussed. It is suggested that, broadly speaking, safeguards should be legislated and practice regulated by an independent body. It is concluded that restorative practices, have the potential to transform society’s response to harmful behaviour.

The coordination in public safety has been assigned to the municipality. The central question in this article is whether the municipality is equipped to fulfil this task successfully. In this study we investigated a metropolitan security network against drug and alcohol nuisance. Questionnaires were administered among 36 organisations dealing with these nuisance problems. The social network analysis shows that the municipality is predominant in the security network. On the other hand there are several other organisations, such as the Police, health organisations and Housing Associations, that also take up a central position in the network. We also found that the municipality’s informal network is less well developed than its formal network. In contrast, the Police and several local health organisations often liaise informally with other organisations that ‘fight’ drug and alcohol nuisance within the network. Quite a number of organisations are in the position to obtain important information and to exert influence when organisations are unwilling to cooperate. Consequently, several organisations other than the municipality are suited to successfully complete the coordination in a security network.

Municipalities play an increasingly important role in the fight against organized crime. Following Italian and New York examples, the Netherlands have developed several instruments for an administrative approach to organized crime. This article describes these instruments on a local and a national level and discusses its theoretical foundations. A critical assessment is made on the reach of this administrative approach considering the perception and nature of organized crime in the Netherlands. Further, methods for assessing the effectiveness of such an approach are discussed. Has organized crime successfully been targeted and how could this be established?

Lately, mayors’ powers for maintaining public order and safety have been considerably extended, and even more powers are in preparation. These powers must enable the mayor to act quickly against public order disturbances and security threats. The novelty is that the mayor may conditionally use and exercise these new powers preventively against groups of rioters. Their freedom of action and their privacy can also be considerably curtailed. This means these powers have to be used carefully and reluctantly. If the mayor overdoes the crimefighter role, he/she may lose the public’s confidence.

In the local governance of public safety many different organizations are involved. These organizations cooperate in local networks or partnerships to manage problems related to crime and disorder. In the Netherlands the local government should coordinate the cooperation between these organizations and their activities. Research shows that in practice this coordination has many serious shortcomings.
Therefore the Dutch government proposed a new Act to promote the local government’s capacities to coordinate these networks and local policies of public safety (Wet op de gemeentelijke regierol lokale integrale veiligheid). At this moment this proposal has not yet been submitted to the Dutch Parliament.
This Act will create new obligations and powers for the local government. According to this Act every four years local councils will have to establish a public safety policy plan based on an analysis of local problems of crime and disorder. Local governments should make formal agreements with the local partner agencies about their activities. Additionally the Act will provide local governments with the power to enforce these cooperation and contributions and to sanction it.
Research shows that many of the problems that arise in the coordination of these networks and partnerships result from the local governments themselves. Often the governmental support and commitment to local safety issues are insufficient, the local administration is highly fragmented, the coordination is often poorly implemented and local administration often have a bureaucratic culture that is hard to reconcile with the need to react quickly to urgent local problems.
Considering these problems the authors argue that this proposed Act is not an adequate solution for the problems that arise in the coordination of local safety policies and partnerships.

Public safety has always been a core task for local, municipal authorities. However, until rather recently only the police has been actively involved in addressing local problems of public safety and maintaining order instead. Local public safety policy – as a responsibility for local authorities together with many other partners – is a relatively new phenomenon.This article compares the main developments and trends in local public safety policy in the Netherlands and Belgium. Special attention is paid to the role and position of the local, municipal authorities. What strikes most, are the strong similarities between the two countries. National governments played an important and catalyzing role in the development of public safety policy in the Netherlands as well as in Belgium. After many years and not without a lot of trouble, the monopoly of the police on designing and implementing policy for addressing public safety and order came to an end in both countries. Which, amongst other effects, presented the local authorities with new challenges.