The author discusses the proposals done by Richard Korver, a Dutch victim-solicitor, with regard to the legal position of the victim in the Dutch penal procedure. They amount to making the victim a fully equipped party to the procedure with – as it were – the same arms as the offender and his solicitor has. These proposals include an autonomous right to appeal against the verdict in first instance, a right to make a victim statement of opinion, the right to rebuke the bench, and the right to be heard in almost every procedural and substantial decision of any authority in the penal process and in the execution of punishment. The authors comment is that these proposals, when realized, will imply an intensification of the polarized legal debate in the penal procedure, with more risks of secondary victimization. The problem is not that the defendant will oppose two prosecutors, but that the victim will find the public prosecutor not on his side when the latter does his job as he should: serving the interests of justice. The inquisitorial procedure does allow for participation of victims, but only in so far as this participation can serve the interests of establishing the truth of the matter and determining proportionate and equal punishment. Meanwhile the risk of instrumentalising the victim and his needs in interests in punitive strategies exists. Restorative practices offer a much better context for an assertive victim to defend his interests and satisfy his needs, staying out of a debate in which the measure of punishment functions as the yardstick of his suffering. Regular civil law procedures could be the second option and criminal procedures should be relegated again to their rightful place as ultima ratio.

Police officers sometimes use creative ways in deploying their authorities when they deal with obstacles that hinder the pursuit for higher organizational goals or the common interest. By doing this, the boundaries of legislative rules might be stretched or even exceeded. This article reports the findings of a Dutch case study within the police into this phenomenon, which the authors described as the ‘creative use of authorities’. By means of observations and interviews within the researched police forces 57 cases were described and analyzed. The cases enabled a first categorization of distinctive forms of creative use of authorities with 4 essential core elements, that is: abstain from use, abuse, improper use and selective use of authorities.

In this article, the concept of ‘loverboys’ is discussed and characteristics and needs of victims are described. The term ‘loverboy’ refers to a person who uses a specific method of human trafficking of mostly girls and young women. The methods involve recruitment and grooming of the girl by contacting and seducing her by means of (the promise of) a romantic relationship, with the aim of exploiting the victim sexually and financially or use her as a drug mule or otherwise. The loverboy concept is not a new phenomenon, but the traditional image of a loverboy as a charming young man operating on his own is outmoded. Victims of loverboys form a broad and diverse group, but share certain characteristics that make them vulnerable, such as attachment issues, traumatic (sexual) events in their childhood and, to a lesser extent, intellectual disability. More insight is needed in the underlying mechanisms of repeated victimization − a serious issue with loverboy victims − and how this can be prevented. Regarding loverboy victims as a specific type of national human trafficking or youth prostitution instead of isolating it as a new phenomenon, is a first step in accomplishing this.

This article attempts to interpret and critically discuss the concept of incapacitation as a motive in the response to crime. Research shows that incapacitation – disabling or hindering people to commit offences – increasingly presents an important motive in the response to crime. This tendency is explored by several researchers in a new book titled Incapacitation: Trends and New Perspectives (Ashgate 2012). This tendency presents itself by the expansion of various modes of and grounds for detention, but also in the increase of other kinds of incapacitative measures, as well as in the fact that also administrative measures outside criminal law increasingly contain incapacitative elements. This tendency towards incapacitation of possible (re-)offenders can also be witnessed in contemporary politics. Examples discussed here are the intensive application of preventive custody, disqualifications, restraining orders accompanied by electronic monitoring, as well as administrative measures aimed at refusing certificates of good conduct or permits for specific commercial activities. It is argued that incapacitation often is not a proportionate and effective approach against crime. It appears to obscure the perspective on possibly more effective attempts to secure future behavior.

In the Netherlands ‘Safety Houses’ have been established, in which partner organizations in the field of criminal justice, crime prevention, law enforcement, public administration and social services collaborate in order to reduce crime and recidivism, and to increase public safety. This article examines why some Safety Houses are better in achieving these goals than others. The effectiveness of 39 Safety Houses is analyzed by means of QCA (qualitative comparative analysis). Results show two different paths leading to effective outcomes. Effective Safety Houses have been in existence for at least three years, show a high degree of stability and a centrally integrated collaboration structure. In addition, they either have considerable resources at their disposal or have been set up with a network administrative organization, where a neutral coordinator governs the network.

By pointing to the immense use of Twitter by citizens during crises, communication experts argue that governments should participate more actively on Twitter during crises. Until now, however, little empirical research has been conducted to validate this claim. This article aims at validating this claim and putting forward building blocks for an evidence-based vision on the use of Twitter by governments during flash crises, i.e. large-scale incidents that occur unexpectedly and immediately. The authors analysed 52.806 tweets sent by citizens and governments during a large-scale industrial fire in Moerdijk (2011). They looked at the content of the tweets and sorted them into fourteen categories. The results show that most of the tweets sent by citizens contained no new or relevant information for governments. In addition, the tweets sent by governments were totally ‘snowed under’ in the huge stream of tweets from citizens. Consequently, the tweets sent by governments were very little re-tweeted by Twitter users. The authors conclude that the Moerdijk case does not show a need for a more proactive role of governments on Twitter.

Based on state-of-the-art scientific knowledge, this article reviews the physical aspects of firefighting in relation to physical safety. Firefighting is known to be one of the most demanding occupations. Based on the ‘Occupational Demands Model’ the (physical) strain of firefighting is described. The physical demands of firefighting are determined by a combination of firefighting-specific efforts, the use of personal protective equipment and enviromental and climatological conditions. The effects on the firefighter depend on his/her health and fitness status as well as on his/her hydration and nutrition status and influences the repressive job performance. If the demands and the effects are not in balance, personal safety, health and effectivity of the firefighter’s deployment are in jeopardy and hence his/her physical safety. In the second part of the paper, the relationship between the physical demands of firefighting and health, fitness and deployability of firefighters are described. Finally, a method of maintaining deployability prior to, during and post firefighting activities or training through active recovery is described to improve the preparedness of the individual firefighter.

Against the background of a discussion of classical and modern concepts of punishment, the first implying the imposition of suffering as essence and the second encompassing all varieties of sanctions implying restrictions but not necessarily some form of suffering the author rejects the suggestion of the second concept, that punishment should be defined without any reference to imposing suffering. There are conceptual advantages to sticking to the classical definition of punishment, such as the fact that it is clearly differentiated from the concept of measurements, which are sanctions imposed without any demand of ‘guilt’ on the side of a perpetrator. Also there are good reasons to maintain the element of (imposition of ) ‘intended pain’ in the concept of punishment, but it is this element – the intentional imposition of pain and suffering – that makes the author reject the activity of punishing as unethical. Non-violent sanctions are conceivable and feasible and should on ethical grounds be preferred. This is explored with reference to the work of Tähtinen. In close connection with this idea the author argues that we should redefine criminal justice (in the Dutch language: ‘strafrecht’ meaning the right to punish and laws regarding punishment) to mean that it is the discipline that responds to crimes and offences, without any defining reference to punishment (‘misdaadrecht’, meaning the laws regarding ((responding to)) crime).